[Report] NYSEAN Conference on Academic and Intellectual Freedom in Southeast Asia and United States

Held on October 24, 2025 at the Robert F. Wagner Graduate School of Public Service, New York University

The best indication of the success of the conference was the number of people who came up afterwards and said, “I learned a lot.” What they said they learned differed: how the “authoritarian playbook” always targets universities and why; the potential for resistance through mobilization through unions of teachers, graduate students and administrators; how voter turnout is as important in Thailand as it is in New York and how important elections are to turning around autocratizing states; and the need for solidarity beyond academia to sectors that are more in touch with everyday cost-of-living concerns. The sense of a common purpose was palpable.  But also extraordinary was the ultimate sense of optimism, conveyed most concretely through Pita Limjaroenrat of the (late) Move Forward party in Thailand and Ken Roth, former director of Human Rights Watch, that a) there are smart young leaders available who have both the long-term vision needed and the resources to take power from the autocrats through peaceful means and b) that even if the view from Europe and North America is bleak, there are plenty of signs from Brazil to South Korea that citizens are willing to fight for and win democratic restoration.

The conference started with a presentation by Dr. Ashotosh Varshney from Brown University, who, using India as a case study, laid out the different between liberal and electoral democracy, and underscored, as did subsequent speakers, that elections were a necessary but insufficient to sustain a democracy – it was what happened between elections that maybe mattered more. Leon Botstein of Bard College then reflected on the role of the university, stressing its commitment to truth, and that facts rather than beliefs determined conclusions. He said as an example, if there are three contraptions in an airport waiting to take off, the passengers are not worried about who believes what about who has the best plane, it’s rather the knowledge that facts have determined that all can fly is what matters.  Once a university allows politics to interfere with facts, all is lost. He also, however, lamented how out of touch universities had become with most Americans, and the disconnect between the excellence of American “higher” education and the disastrous incompetence of primary and secondary education – meaning that universities increasingly served a clientele divorced from the lives of most Americans. Finally, he highlighted the dangers of fear-induced self-censorship which nearly every other speaker picked up on as a current feature of academic life in every country represented.

The second panel looked at the perspective of Southeast Asia, with panelists from the Southeast Asia Coalition for Academic Freedom, a co-sponsor of the event. The presentations focused on the wide variety of means used to curb academic freedom, all of which had parallels in the US: political appointments of university rectors/presidents/deans; withdrawal of funding; pressure on what to teach or not to teach; doxing and online threats; denials of promotions and other career-inhibiting measures. The specific tactics vary. In the Philippines, especially during Duterte, it took the form of “red-tagging” or accusing someone of being a Communist; in Indonesia, “cyber-defamation” has become a tactic of choice, using social media posts taken out of contests to bring lawsuits of criminal defamation. Kaw Moe Tun of Parami University gave a wrenching account of how, after returning to Myanmar committed to strengthening tertiary education there in 2014, he was forced to flee after the 2021 coup and incorporate his university in Washington DC in 2021, only to now be forced to worry every time he writes or speaks that he could be deported and as such jeopardize the lives of the 300 Burmese students that now see him as a lifeline to a university degree. All noted that they were advising their students not to seek graduate study in the U.S. 

The third panel looked at the view from the U.S., with a look from Tom Pepinsky of Cornell at the disastrous long-term impact of cuts in language and area studies and the subtle ways in which restrictions emerge; from Jonathan Friedman of PEN America on the impact of sweeping restrictions on freedom of expression in the US more generally, and how gag orders are increasingly implemented at a state or local level, with no real understanding of legal ambiguities or loopholes that might facilitate resistance.  Rachel Cooper looked at cultural exchanges and how these are declining, because of lack of federal funding, increased visa complexities, and general disinterest from Washington.

The final panel, looking at academic freedom and democratic decline, was paradoxically where the hope was, with Pita Limjaroenrat, Prime Minister-designate in 2023 and now banned from politics, cheerfully asserting that he always had a 16-year time frame (four election cycles) and he would remain optimistic as long as he could continue to get out the vote. Ken Roth, while noting that crackdowns on universities were indeed a key part of the authoritarian playbook, suggested that the notion that democracy was in decline around the globe was very much a North American and Western European perspective as the far right gained power – but try to tell that to Brazil or Poland or even Madagascar and Morocco.

The audience included many students from Southeast Asia who used the conference to meet and talk to each other – and a new network may have been born.

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Southeast Asian Studies Summer Institute (SEASSI) – University of Wisconsin - Madison

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[Recording] States Against Nations: Meritocracy, Patronage, and the Challenges of Bureaucratic Selection